Among whites, four-in-ten say they support the Black Lives Movement at least somewhat, and this is particularly the case among white Democrats and those younger than For example, among whites, Democrats and Republicans differ dramatically on the very salience of race issues in this country. There are large gaps between blacks and whites in their views of race relations and racial inequality in the United States.
Explore how the opinions of blacks and whites vary by age, education, gender and party identification in key questions from our report. Trends in key economic and demographic indicators provide some context for the experiences and outlook of blacks today. While there has been clear progress in closing the white-black gap in some areas — particularly when it comes to high school completion rates — decades-old black-white gaps in economic well-being persist and have even widened in some cases.
According to a new Pew Research Center analysis of data from the U. The racial gap extends to household wealth — a measure where the gap has widened since the Great Recession. For most Americans, household wealth is closely tied to home equity, and there are sharp and persistent gaps in homeownership between blacks and whites. And on the flipside of wealth — poverty — racial gaps persist, even though the poverty rate for blacks has come down significantly since the mids.
When asked about the underlying reasons that blacks may be having a harder time getting ahead than whites, large majorities of black adults point to societal factors. On each of these items, the views of blacks differ significantly from those of whites.
However, the relative ranking of these items varies among blacks and whites. While whites rank family instability and a lack of good role models above or on a par with societal factors as major reasons that blacks may have a harder time getting ahead than whites, fewer blacks say these items are major reasons than say the same about lower quality schools, discrimination, and lack of jobs.
Still, large majorities of black adults say that blacks in this country are treated unfairly in a range of institutional settings — from the criminal justice system, to the workplace to banks and financial institutions. Across all of these realms, whites are much less likely than blacks to perceive unequal treatment — with differences ranging from 23 to 42 percentage points.
Black people, for the most part, are powerless to stop racism. If we could, we would have done it a long time ago. American racism is a uniquely white trait.
Black people cannot be racist toward you. America cannot rid itself of this curse unless white people accept responsibility for it. There is no need to rehash the sordid history of America in order to understand how racism took root here. You already know that the legacy of slavery feeds into the systemic racism that deems African Americans second-class citizens, unworthy of the same rights as white people.
Only staunch racists deny that fact. Too many white people are satisfied doing nothing to bring about substantive change. Admit it. You enjoy the opportunities and privileges that white supremacy affords you. Yet you want to distance yourself from the racist individuals and systems that keep you at the top of the hierarchy.
You are well aware of the racial injustices that occur every day. Certainly, you were not surprised that a black man like Floyd could meet his death just weeks after Ahmaud Arbery died at the hands of a father and son who apparently decided it was their duty to put a black man in his place. Source: U. Truth 5 — Even though there may be one or two black faces in leadership, your organization may indeed have a rampant racial injustice problem. This glass cliff type scenario traditionally associated with women leaders can be both career limiting and emotionally exhausting.
The first step of problem solving is generally better understanding the problem and in this case that also means confronting uncomfortable truths. In this pivotal Black Lives Matter moment, corporate leaders and ultimately everyday workplaces have an opportunity to do something different.
This is a BETA experience. And in more than half, the share of non-Hispanic whites remained constant or grew. Most significantly, perhaps, a comparison with data from the s suggests that neighborhoods are becoming more stable over time. The mean white population loss in integrated neighborhoods was lower in the s than in the s; a greater share of integrated tracts remained steady in the s; and fewer tracts experienced dramatic white loss.
In sum, neighborhood racial integration appears to be becoming both more widespread and more stable. How is it that certain neighborhoods seem to turn rapidly from white to black as soon as a few black households move in, while others hardly seem to change at all? Because all mixed neighborhoods are presumed to be highly unstable, explaining the variance in the rate of racial change has hardly seemed pressing. It is possible to devise a variety of theories to explain why some mixed neighborhoods remain integrated.
One theory is simply that neighborhoods with fewer minority residents are more likely to be stable. The argument is that white households basically dislike living with minorities and that once the minority population of a given community reaches a concentration greater than they can tolerate, whites abandon the community, which quickly becomes all black. Whether a community is 10 percent black or 50 percent black, the likelihood of white loss is the same.
A second theory is that communities are more stable when black and white residents have similar incomes and education levels. This theory has an intuitive appeal to those who think that our country has gotten beyond race.
But it is not borne out by the data either. Indeed, neighborhoods where blacks and whites are more equal in status are, if anything, less stable.
A third theory—and the one that best fits the evidence—is that residential decisions, especially those of white households, are indeed heavily shaped by negative racial attitudes. But it is not a simple matter of racial animus, of white households being unwilling to live, at any particular moment in time, in neighborhoods with moderately sized black populations.
Rather, it is a matter of white households tending to assume that all mixed neighborhoods quickly and inevitably become predominantly black and being uncomfortable with the prospect of living in such an environment in the future. As for the sources of this discomfort, I would emphasize two. Second, and more important, white households and potentially black households as well may have negative preconceptions about what an all-black neighborhood will be like.
In other words, white households may not necessarily dislike living next to blacks per se; but many white households, rightly or wrongly, associate blacks with decreasing structural strength. Whether such stereotyped associations should be distinguished from simple racial prejudice on moral grounds deserves lengthy discussion, but certainly they are analytically distinct and have distinct policy implications.
First, it suggests that households who are less invested in the structural strength of the community—renters and households with no children, for instance—will be more open to racial mixing and thus more likely to live in mixed communities.
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